|
While most of the works
on Iraq and its deposed president have been often discredited on charges
of the foreign perspective of their writers, Lebanese journalist Hatem
Saghieh succeeded in producing one of the most authoritative books on
the rise and fall of Saddam Hussein and his Baath Party.
Published in Arabic by
Saqi Books earlier this year, Saghieh's The Iraqi Baath skillfully combined
thorough research with an impeccable flaw of ideas packaged in an entertaining
style that sometimes neared sarcasm.
Despite the big number
of books on Saddam Hussein and his Iraq, most of these works either focused
on the brutality of Saddam's regime, his treacherous entourage and his
miscalculated foreign policy or reported on the hardships of some Iraqi
exiles under Saddam.
The Iraqi Baath, however,
is one of the few books that penetrated the brutality epic to highlight
the damages that the Baath regime incurred on the different aspects of
life in Iraq including its economy, culture and social activity.
The book starts when three
students of Zaki Arsouzi, one of the Baath's founders and ideologues,
moved from Syria to Baghdad to pursue their studies. During their stay,
they preached what later became one of the most disastrous parties to
rule an Arab country ever.
In order to invite the
readers to understand the rivalry between the two branches of the Baath
in Iraq and Syria, Saghieh put the rift in a greater pan-Arab context
when Arab nationals in the party disputed the arguments of Baathists who
lobbied for the interest of their own countries.
The author also put the
Baathist schism against an international background then dominated by
the Cold War and its regional consequences.
When telling the story
of Saddam's ascendance, Saghieh was particularly cautious not to adopt
anyone of the several versions of Saddam's biographies but restricted
himself to mentioning accounts without verifying them saying that it was
hard for researchers to confirm information about Iraq due to the nature
of its repressive regime.
Saghieh said that after
a brief tenure of some Baathist leaders, Saddam succeeded in ascending
the party's ranks supported by recommendations from the Baath's godfather,
the Syrian Michel Aflaq.
Once he attained a junior
ranking, Saddam focused his attention on deforming the party's structure
and rebuilt it in a way that best suited his tribal links. Saddam was
also keen to subdue the army and do away with prominent figures of the
bureaucracy.
Once he had removed his
rivals, Saddam shifted his attention to eliminate the threat of northern
Iraq's Kurdish population. According to Saghieh, the Kurdish problem was
connected to the former Soviet Union that even though it armed Saddam's
military, it supported the Kurds.
Another external factor
was Iran's Shah who tried to extort Saddam by arming the Kurds and requesting
that Iran be granted full sovereignty over the Persian Gulf.
Tension with Iran later
led Saddam, who always sought to play a regional role, to embark on an
eight-year war that was destructive for both countries. While his war
with Iran was not as rewarding as he first thought it would be, Saddam
tried to practice his hegemony over neighboring Syria under the pretext
of pan-Arabism.
The mounting tension with
Syria never developed into a full-scale war. However, a Syrian-Iraqi war
was waged by proxy with each country arming and supporting its protégé
factions in the Lebanese civil war.
Saghieh wrote that with
an apparent Syrian superiority in foreign policy, Saddam limited his regional
activity to verbal support of the Palestinian cause. This did not mean
that the Iraqi leader dropped his claims to regional leadership as he
invaded Kuwait in 1990.
His invasion of Kuwait
and the consequent American war of liberation and sanctions on Iraq resulted
in unprecedented poverty and destruction in the country.
Despite the catastrophic
outcome of his adventures and the ensuing poverty in the country, Saddam
still found time to tighten his grip on Iraq by repressing his nation
including his close family and relatives.
Saghieh argued that the
deposed Iraqi president never eased his iron fist rule even after hisn
regional defeats as he persisted in forcing his cult-worship rule therefore
destroying a famed Iraqi brilliance in arts, music, education and other
cultural aspects.
|