|
The last issue of Alternative
created a controversy over the story reporting Bashir Gemayel's extermination
of the National Liberal Party's militia, the Tigers.
Some Gemayel loyalists
were looking for the staff of Alternative to physically assault them.
To these militants, we say that gone are the days of physical combat.
If you have any problem with what we write, then go ahead and write your
counter-argument instead of using your fists to show us your physical
fitness.
Another group protested
that the story of Gemayel's extermination of the Tigers was taken out
of context and that by re-producing the historic account, Alternative
would be opening old wounds.
To this group we say that
a story of a massacre of a group of people for political purposes can
never be taken out of context: it is a crime and so it should be treated.
What "political" reasons were behind the Safra Operation remain of little
importance. Yet, Alternative reported that the apparent reason behind
the Safra killing was the "unification of the Christian rifle."
The third group, a minority
indeed, debated with the writers of the story and Alternative staff the
role of Bashir Gemayel prior to his assassination in 1982.
This fruitful and civilized
debate went as follows:
Gemayel lovers argued that
even though Bashir Gemayel was a militia and a gang leader for most of
his career as a fighter, he intended to work for the interest of a unified
Lebanon after his election as Lebanon's President in 1982.
Our argument agreed that
being a militia leader does not condemn Bashir. After all, gangsters and
militia leaders were everywhere, in every area and among every sect, running
the Lebanese civil strife and contributing to the systematic destruction
of Lebanon. Bashir was not an exception.
Bashir was not alone in
destroying the country's landmarks of civilizations. He was one of many
and when writing a historic account about him, we should treat him as
such. But saying that Bashir "intended" to reconstruct Lebanon and to
restore its role after his election as President in 1982 is a fallacy
because when writing history, we can never judge intentions, we only record
deeds.
When Bashir was assassinated
in 1982, he took his intentions with him. When writing history, no one
can claim what his real intentions were.
The claim that Bashir abandoned
his Israeli allies therefore they killed him is yet another fallacy. After
the invasion of a neighboring country which cost the Israelis financial
and human losses, it is improbable that they would have killed their best
bet, even if Bashir had a stormy meeting with officials in Naharia after
his election.
A stormy meeting is not
enough to make the Israelis get rid of their then best horse in Lebanon.
Finally, it is in the best
interest of Lebanon to treat its history from a "historic" point of view.
So what if Alternative reports about past mistakes of a leader who commanded
vast popularity in some Lebanese areas?
It is time that Lebanon
de-iconizes its historic leaders and rewrites its history. This is the
only way toward resolving past differences and looking toward a brighter
future.
|