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Reconsider separating the state from civil
society
January 2003
Washington DC -- Political Studies professors usually teach
their students a simple model, which postulates that in any
modern country, there are two broad entities, called ‘the
state’ and ‘the society’.
The model is then superimposed on different countries, and
used as one of the numerous measuring rods of their political
development: the more advanced a country is, the more
prominent is the dividing line between the two entities.
Despite the obvious appeal of such an abstract model, its
validity as a measuring rod for political development seems to
be questionable (at best). One of the most significant
incidents that points to that weakness took place in the
aftermath of the invasion of
Iraq. Under the pretext of attempting to stem post-war chaos,
the Pentagon awarded uncontested contracts worth several
billion dollars to a small number of corporations that have
long histories of doing business with the former.
If isolated, such an irregularity in the relationship between
a state-entity and several ‘societal entities’ might seem
appropriate in the face of such daunting challenges. But, put
into an historical context, it becomes clear that the
Pentagon’s behavior in
Iraq simply reflected the way it conducts its business in
Washington.
The Department of Defense (DoD) has consistently been
receiving the largest share of the
US federal government’s budget since the start of the Cold War
– hovering between two and four percent of GDP. With so much
money at stake, one would expect higher than usual scrutiny
from the tax-payers’ representatives in Congress.
The reality, though, has been the opposite. According to
Franklin Spinney, a former member of the Pentagon’s Office of
Program Analysis and Evaluation, the DoD has failed at least
four of its most recent annual audits.
During the same period, at least one trillion dollars has been
unaccounted for in the myriad of Pentagon accounting systems.
Another specific incident that has been making headlines
recently is the unusual clash between Congress and the
Pentagon over a contract that was awarded to Boeing, which
would have provided the Air Force with around a hundred
re-fuelling air-tankers. Both Boeing’s CEO and CFO “retired”
due to unethical behavior connected to this contract: during
the negotiation process, they actually hired the Pentagon
official who was negotiating on behalf of the Air Force.
They also acquired (from the Air Force) a copy of the Airbus
consortium’s own bid for the contract, with the obvious
intention of out-bidding them. To top it all off, the actual
contract was framed in such a way that some have referred to
it as the Air Force’s bail-out of the troubled Boeing
corporation.
With such brazen collusion between individuals from ‘state’
and ‘non-state entities’ in the most powerful and ‘advanced’
country of this world, it is interesting to notice the
standards that have been imposed on the countries of the
southern hemisphere.
Furthermore, in the
United States, the ripple-effects of decisions made in the
Pentagon are felt in all sectors of society. For example, the
correlation between defense spending and economic booms since
WWII is undeniable. Moreover, technological innovation, which
is the foundation of American economic growth, depends
tremendously on military research and development.
With such realities, one should encourage students to
challenge the notion that there exist only two separate and
competing entities called ‘the state’ and ‘society’.
What is obvious is that under the façade of structures and
institutions there is a ‘power elite’ that disregards the
barriers of ‘state’ and ‘society’ in order to achieve its own
ends. The only difference between nations is how successful
the power elite is hidden from the lime-light.
Raja Abu Hassan is a Political Studies graduate
student at the University of Washington, USA. He wrote this
commentary for Alternative
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