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A leftist group away from the duality of the
Communist Party and the Democratic Left Movement
A music festival that public places rejects, didn't happen
BEIRUT - Sahar Mandour
Mayl 2005
Translated from Arabic
Start After February 14, Lebanon lived through
a moment which some considered to be independent while others
called that of "collaboration." That moment forced the youth
to choose between the "Revolution of the Cedars" and "Ain Al-Tineh."
Both were not a choice for a group of Lebanese youth.
Some of these young people found sectarianism and racism
infesting both factions and couldn’t find a free space where
they could practice their activism. The sharp division between
the two sides was unattractive. Political factions employ this
division while the different social factions reinforce its
sharpness to make out of it an identity of the period that is
considered crucial in the modern history of Lebanon.
A small youth group was formed and called itself the Gathering
of International Socialists. Why this name? "Because we
discovered that all other leftists names were taken," said a
smiling Bassem Shit, a founding member of the group that was
formed three months ago of 12 young guy who consider
themselves to be "of the people of the outside." "Outside"
here means outside the frameworks of the Lebanese Communist
Party, which is the official left, and the Movement of
Democratic Left, an offshoot that made for itself an
independent identity. "Outside" also includes the group being
outside the division between the "opposition" and the
"loyalists," between "we surprised you, noooooo?" and "you
didn't surprise us at all."
The Gathering of International Socialists sponsored a public
meetings and invited all Lebanese leftist factions, from the
party to the movement, including civil society organizations.
The idea behind the invitation was a gathering under the
banner: "No to racism and war, yes to a democratic and secular
society." The people who made the invitations didn't find a
meaning for the word democracy in the mouths of the people in
power and their opponents. "The opposition is the reproduction
of the ruling political class itself which is called loyalists
on the basis of sectarianism and racism. Democracy doesn't
include – in the minds of both the opposition and the
loyalists – economic, social and political items. It
(democracy) doesn't have to deal with the rates of wages and
social security and doesn't include the freedom of the
individual in a society. Democracy – to the rule and its
opposition – is a means for the organization of the ruling
class and not for the organization of society.
Based on these statements, Bassem Shit believes that it has
become imperative to confront the coalition of sects, which
will definitely lead to throwing out the minority secular
political powers outside of parliament. To Baseem, that is the
job of the left, per se. Yet, the birth of the Democratic Left
formed an obstruction. Why? In the past few years, a number of
leftist groups were active outside the framework of the
official "party" (including Communist Students and the Leftist
Independent Groups) in the campaign supporting civil marriage,
the campaign against civil war and the campaign of "no war, no
dictatorships," in addition to the open strike in the Martyr's
Square against the siege of Ramallah. These groups and
campaigns, to Bassem, formed a movement that could have been
supported economic democracy, political secularism at that
moment which witnessed the reformation of sectarianism in the
country.
"At the time, a majority of the new left was engaged in the
battle against the Communist Party. On the day the formation
of a new leftist coalition of the groups that participated in
the strike against the siege of Ramallah was suggested, Elias
Atallah asked us to suspend the project until the end of the
battle with the party. The same thing happened after the
campaign of "no war, no dictatorships" under the claim that
the ninth conference was close and that we should wait until
it is held before we start forming a new frame. Suddenly, they
formed a party as they pleased and eliminated multilateralism
that had predated before that party. Their invitation to join
the party was based on a document that they had drafted and
not on dialogue between the different factions. Thus, they
eliminated that multilateralism and we found ourselves, like
with the opposition and the loyalists, between the party and
the movement. On the other hand, the Democratic Left joined
the opposition and shared its racist rhetoric… and became part
of an authority that it used to attack: Hariri's economic
policy and foreign intervention."
The call for a secular and democratic coalition came to do
away with the frustration that had infested these young
leftists as they find themselves unable to join anyone of the
dualities of politics and society. They held several meetings
and the number of participants became 65 individual a number
of whom attend on a personal bais while others represent
groups or NGOs. They are currently drafting the political
document which those present approving it and will announce
after that their coalition.
Meanwhile, they have decided to start a dialogue with people
through the organization of public activities, debates and
parties, that aim at "breaking the recession and prohibition
that dominate the political scene except when it comes to
media matches between the opposition and the loyalists," says
Bassem. They have scheduled the first of May, the Day of
Laborers, to witness a general music festival that will serve
as a window for addressing people on two issues: Workers'
rights and fighting racism and sectarianism.
But prohibition has hit them. How?
They met with youth music bands that don’t have any political
affiliations. These were: Qitaiyyoun, Akher Jeel, New
Government, Vanckedlick Trio, D J Capsule, Ashakman, Khatt
Ahmar. The bands subscribed to the proposed ideas which they
found matching their understanding of human rights, away from
any political affiliation or ideological rhetoric.
They then went to search for public venues to hold the event.
Public responses came as follows, according to Bassem:
Mathaf Square: The municipality refused considering May Day to
be a day of security concern.
The Sanaeh Garden: The park's authority refused saying that a
night event required a long bureaucratic process.
Car parkings in Hamra: requires expensive fees.
Hursh Beirut: See "the
Sanaeh
Garden."
Martyrs' Square in front of the Dom building where, in the
past few years, there have been memorial events commemorating
the beginning of the (civil) war: The guys submitted a request
to the Solidere administration which denied them an approval
due to the following reasons:
1-
The area is residential and residents
of the
Saifi Village could be disturbed
2-
The kind of music doesn’t subscribe
to Solidere's idea of music
3-
Subjects of racism and sectarianism
can not be raised prior to elections
4-
There is another national project in
the area that cant take more than one national project
In return, Solidere proposed to the guys that the Workers' Day
music festival be held in the Souq Al-Barghout area next to
the tennis courts provided that the kind of music to be played
is changed.
"We laughed at first then were shocked because we didn't think
that handcuffing could reach this much."
After we had digested the shock, we decided to reschedule the
event to May 27, which coincided with the Massacre of Hay Al-Sullom,
provided that the same issues would be raised with a greater
focus on the racism of the state against its citizens, in
addition to economic hardships that limit the understanding of
democracy. "It is worth mentioning that May 27 was a national
day during which Lebanese protested the increase in benzene
prices," says Bassem.
Specifying the venue is still ambiguous due to the limitation
on free public spaces prior to elections, but the period, for
the guys, allows time for the collection of money and the
renting of a public space, a public space that is far from the
dualities that draw parallel lines and prohibits meetings.
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