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Arab nationalism dies
Forty-four years after the breakup of the United Arab
Republic, union among Arab countries proved to be a colossal
failure
DAMASCUS - Anonymous
BEIRUT - Salem Mazloum
BAGHDAD - Sami Orfali
March 2005
The Unfolding events in the Middle East, the
Arab and international pressure on Syria and its consequent
withdrawal from Lebanon, demonstrations and counter
demonstrations in Damascus and Beirut and the rapid
democratization in other Arab countries highlight one
indicator: that Arab nationalism has died.
The origins of Arab nationalism cannot be
traced to a single thinker or era of Arab history. It is safe
to assume, however, that this kind of chauvinistic feeling was
mostly styled after European fascist thought and witnessed a
surge by the mid 20th century.
It was endorsed by the most popular Arab
figure, late Egyptian president Gamal Abdul-Nasser as well as
by a handful of Syrian thinkers, the most prominent of them
was Michel Aflaq the founder of the Baath Party, which through
its both Iraqi and Syrian rival wings, dominated Iraq for more
than three decades and still dominates Syria until the date of
the writing of these lines.
Pan-Arab experiments reached their climax when
Syria
and Egypt merged into a union in 1958, which came to be known
as the
United Arab Republic.
Arabs at the time welcomed the union largely viewing it as a
first step toward the greater union of all Arab peoples.
But the union was far from improving the lives
of Syrians, let alone all of the Arabs since
Nasser had no plan to lead Syria to prosperity. Instead he
installed military leaders, such as Abdul-Hamid Sarraj and
later his most corrupt crony General Abdul-Hakim Amer, as its
rulers.
The military rule in
Syria led to the tightening of the military grip around its
citizens. The Syrians – on top of them the Baath Party and its
founders – were not willing to compromise their freedom and in
1961, they broke the union.
Reassessing the worthiness of the UAR
experience is not possible in this brief article. Yet, the UAR
was enough of an indicator that pan-Arabism was far from being
a tool for the unity and prosperity of Arabs. Instead, it
proved to be a tool and an empty slogan under which the
different Arab dictators meddled in the affairs of other Arab
countries.
Fifteen years after the breakup of the UAR, the
Baathists who had been ruling
Syria with an iron fist for some years, decided to invade
Lebanon under the pretext of bringing back peace and stability
to a country, which was being shredded by a civil war. The
Syrian stay in Lebanon extended between 1976 and two weeks
ago, 14 years after the conclusion of the Lebanese war in
1990. The pretext for their stay, as announced by the Syrians
and their Lebanese cronies, was “the common destiny and the
good relations between two Arab countries.”
But in the same manner that
Nasser’s regime abused friendly relations with Syria for the
benefit of a handful of military and intelligence officers,
the Syrians also took advantage of
Lebanon
making the Lebanese, even those of them who had always
advocated pan-Arabism, ask the Syrians to leave and let
Lebanon
alone.
The Lebanese divorce of their Syrian masters some 30 years
after the Syrians first entered Lebanon, the Lebanese demand
that Syrians don’t meddle in their affairs, the ongoing demand
of Iraqi officials that neighboring Arab countries cease to
interfere in their affairs through supporting insurgents, the
Palestinian decision to go to talks with Israelis regardless
of what the Syrians or other pan-Arabists say, are all
indications that the Arabs have reached the point where every
nation of the different 22 Arab countries has been fed up with
the obsolete notion of pan-Arabism. It is an indication that
after half a century of failing experiences and the rule of
tyrant rulers claiming to be Arab nationalists, it is high
time that every Arab people looks after its own affairs, and
take care of its own well being, development and
democratization.
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